HABARI ZA KIMATAIFA KATIKA PICHA

         INDIA;mbio katika kupata kiti cha kudumu katika baraza la usalama la umoja wa kimataifa

 wataalam wa hali ya hewa duniani wakionesha kuongezeka kwa joto duniani ambapo sasa jukumu la jumuiya ya kimataifa inabidi liwajibike

Rais wa Tanzania Mh.Dk Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete akizungumza jambo kwa umakini wa hali ya juu katika mkutano wa commonwealth; katikati ni mwenyeji wa mkutano huo ambaye ni waziri mkuu wa australia

CAIN; 'kujivua gamba' republican baada ya kashfa ya 'kimada' ndoto za kuwa mpinzani wa obama hatimaye zayeyuka

DEFENSIVE REALISM THEORY                Defensive realism is an umbrella term for several theories of international politics and foreign policy that build upon Robert Jervis's writings on the security dilemma and to a lesser extent upon Kenneth Waltz's balance-of-power theory (neorealism).                Defensive realism holds that the international system provides incentives for expansion only under certain conditions. Anarchy (the absence of a universal sovereign or worldwide government) creates situations where by the tools that one state uses to increase it security decreases the security of other states.              This security dilemma causes states to worry about one another's future intentions and relative power. Pairs of states may pursue purely security seeking strategies, but inadvertently generate spirals of mutual hostility or conflict. States often, although not always, pursue expansionist policies because their leaders mistakenly believe that aggression is the only way to make their state secure.              Defensive realism predicts great variation in internationally driven expansion and suggests that states ought to generally pursue moderate strategies as the best route to security. Under most circumstances, the stronger states in the international system should pursue military, diplomatic, and foreign economic policies that communicate restraint.               Examples of defensive realism include: offense-defense theory (Jervis, Stephen Van Evera, Sean Lynn-Jones, and Charles Glaser), balance-of-power theory (Barry Posen, Michael Mastanduno), balance-of-threat theory (Stephen Walt), domestic mobilization theories (Jack Snyder, Thomas Christensen, and Aron Friedberg), and security dilemma theory (Thomas Christensen, Robert Ross, and William Rose). (Sources: Jeffrey W. Taliaferro, 'Security-Seeking Under Anarchy: Defensive Realism Reconsidered,' International Security, 25, 3, Winter 2000/2001: 152-86; and John J. Mearsheimer, (2002), Tragedy of Great Power Politics, W.W. Norton, New York).

DEMOCRATIC PEACE THEORY              All democratic peace theories seek to explain the disputed empirical fact that two constitutional democracies have never gone to war with each other in recent history (1816 onwards). As such, they rest on a similar hypothesis: that relations between pairings of democratic states are inherently more peaceful than relations between other regime-type pairings (i.e. democratic versus non-democratic or non-democratic versus non-democratic).               To prove the reality of the democratic peace, theorists such as Michael Doyle have sought to show a causal relationship between the independent variable - 'democratic political structures at the unit level' - and the dependant variable - 'the asserted absence of war between democratic states'. Critics, such as Ido Oren, dispute the claims of democratic peace theorists by insisting that there is a liberal bias in the interpretation of 'democracy' which weakens the evidence.

DEPENDENCY THEORY                 Dependency theorists assert that so-called 'third-world' countries were not always 'poor', but became impoverished through colonial domination and forced incorporation into the world economy by expansionist 'first-world' powers.                Thus, 'third-world' economies became geared more toward the needs of their 'first-world' colonial masters than the domestic needs of their own societies. Proponents of dependency theory contend that relationships of dependency have continued long after formal colonization ended.                Thus, the primary obstacles to autonomous development are seen as external rather than internal, and so 'third-world' countries face a global economy dominated by rich industrial countries. Because 'first-world' countries never had to contend with colonialism or a world full of richer, more powerful competitors, dependency theorists argue that it is unfair to compare contemporary 'third-world' societies with those of the 'first-world' in the early stages of development.

IMPERIALISM APPROACH TO THE INTERNATIONAL ORGANISATIONS                Hans J. Morgenthau defines imperialism as a national foreign policy aimed at acquiring more power than the state actually has, through a reversal of existing power relations, in other words, a favorable change in power status. Imperialism as a national foreign policy is in contrast to 'status quo' foreign policy and a foreign policy of 'prestige.'              The policy of imperialism assumes the classical realist theory perspective of analysis at the unit level in international relations. Furthermore, imperialism is based on a 'balance-of-power' construct in international relations.               The three types of imperialism as outlined by Morgenthau are: Marxist theory of imperialism which rests on the foundation that all political phenomena are the reflection of economic forces; the Liberal theory of imperialism which results because of maladjustments in the global capitalist system (e.g., surplus of goods and capital which seek outlets in foreign markets); and finally, the 'devil' theory of imperialism which posits that manufacturers and bankers plan wars in order to enrich themselves.               From Morgenthau, Hans J. 1948. Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace. McGraw-Hill, Boston. (Chapter 5, The Struggle for Power: Imperialism).

                                                        MARXIST THEORY

           A body of thought inspired by Karl Marx. It emphasises the dialectical unfolding of historical stages, the importance of economic and material forces and class analysis. It predicts that contradictions inherent in each historical epoch eventually lead to the rise of a new dominant class. The era of capitalism, according to Marx, is dominated by the bourgeoisie and will give way to a proletarian, or working class, revolution and an era of socialism in which workers own the means of production and move toward a classless, communist society in which the state, historically a tool of the dominant class, will wither away. A number of contemporary theorists have drawn on Marxian insights and categories of analysis - an influence most evident in work on dependency and the world capitalist system (Viotti, P. and M. Kaupp
             Come to the contemporary international organisation you will find that world divided into three sects; to the upper or core-developed countries, to the middle or semi peripheral-middle income countries and at the bottom there are peripherals-developing countries.
              The whole system of organisation controlled/monopolized/dominated by the big powers found at the top or what karl marx called bourgeisie class.Thus all benefits find to them.
The cooperation between peripherals at the bottom and the bourgeisie class will be in form of quite exploitation in nature, quite unequal exchange.
             Thus the alternative to the international affairs is to increment coorperation with the middle class which almost not differ with the peripherals.
            And this is seen to the determination done by developing countries to increase cooperation with middle income countries in the world such as states in latin america,far eastern-south asia like thailand,indonesia,singapore etc
           Imperialists tentacles in forms of capital,experts,big companies,and banks now became the tool for exploit developing countries through its economic strategies of cartel,syndicate,and trustship
          Class struggle to the peripherals is the responsibility of all developing countries including africa,carribeans and middle-south asia and all islands in far east like timors etc 
           They will achieve by reach to the consensus with the such terms in order to bring mutual benefits to all especially in economic terms

                                                 MATCH!      MATCH!      MATCH!

IR STUDENTS FOOTBALL TEAM PLANS TO HAVE A MATCH WITH LAW STUDENTS WITHIN IN THIS WEEK. IR FOOTBALL TEAM 2ND YEAR PLANS TO DEFEAT ALL SOCIAL SCIENCE TEAMS AFTER LEADING THE CHART OF BEST 5 TEAMS TO SSH.


GET WATCH UP!!! WELCOME TO OUR SHOW GAME AND ENJOY IT DIPLOMATICALLY!!

                       WHY TANZANIA DELAYING ON RECOGNISE NTC OF LIBYA?
                Since the uprising of libya up to now Tanzania has not yet recognise the transition council of libya;the reasons behind are unknown although in reality it pretend to follow effectively the vienna convesion.
 The view of TZ toward to libya is the complex issue and has widerfocus. The interrogative to the world politics asks themselves why TZ recognise transitional federal government of  Somalia in time there are civil wars and chaos also the same to palestine weak government.
             When we come to Nigeria civil wars you will find that TZ was championing in the recognition of Biafra.The general question comes that what is the nature of TZ foreign policy and how about the the behaviour of TZ foreign policy.Is that reality TZ follow vienna convesion? or its because of TZ foreign interests.

AND SO LET WELCOME THE DISCUSSION ABOUT THAT....!!